From Equality to Privilege: The Communist Paradox

Under Communist regimes there is a wide gap between precept and reality, of which history offers ample evidence. After the Russian Revolution, Vladimir Lenin moved into a millionaire’s mansion even as widespread hardship and famine afflicted parts of the country. The revolution had promised equality and fraternity, yet many critics argue that the privileges enjoyed by the ruling elite increasingly contradicted those ideals.

Similarly, footage of celebrations marking Mao Zedong's birthday in Communist China has been cited by critics as reflecting extravagant displays more commonly associated with elite social gatherings than with a society founded on egalitarian principles. During much of Mao's rule, millions of Chinese continued to live in poverty despite the state's commitment to economic equality.

Cuban leader Fidel Castro was well known for his fondness for premium cigars, a luxury item that stood in contrast to the egalitarian ethos espoused by the revolution. Among Communist leaders, only Vietnam’s Ho Chi Minh repudiated a bourgeois lifestyle and shared the poverty of the masses.

Similar contradictions in West Bengal were also apparent during the decades of Marxist rule. Political patronage and crony capitalism benefited sections of the party leadership and favoured business interests, while many industrial workers—long portrayed as the vanguard of the proletariat—continued to face economic hardship and declining employment opportunities.

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Muhammad Shah Rangila

Aurangzeb, the last great Mughal emperor, died in 1707. Muhammad Shah became Mughal emperor in 1719. During the interregnum, Bahadur Shah I , JahandarShah , Farrukhsiyar r, Rafi-ud-Darajat and Rafi-ud-Daula ascended the Mughal throne. Jahandar Shah was murdered on the orders of Farrukhsiyar who had the support of the two powerful Mughal nobles Sayyid Abdullah and his brother Sayyid Husain Ali at that time. They are famous in history as Sayyid brothers, the King-makers. In 1719, Farrukhsiyar were murdered in utter disregard of a Mughal emperor by Sayyid brothers. Rafi-ud-Darajat died of consumption in a few months. Rafi-ud-Daula was addicted to opium and died in 4 months. Sayyid brothers now chose Raushan Akhtar, a son of Jahan Shah (the fourth son of Bahadur Shah I), to be the emperor. Raushan Akhtar ascended the throne under the title of Muhamamd Shah in September 1719. In the beginning Muhammad Shah was a puppet in the hands of Sayyid brothers who soon began to lose their...

Ghaseti Begum: The Begum of Motijheel

Clive meeting Mir Jafar after the Battle of Plassey, (By Francis Hayman) Ghaseti Begum, originally named Mehar un-Nisa, was the eldest daughter of Alivardi Khan, the Nawab of Bengal. She was married to Nawazish Muhammad Khan. Ghaseti Begum went all out to conspire against her nephew Siraj-ud-Daula who was the last independent Nawab of Bengal. Siraj-ud-Daula was defeated by the British under Lord Clive in the Battle of Plassey in 1757 and was killed on the orders of Miran, the son of Mir Jafar who was now made the Nawab of Bengal by the British. Ghaseti Begum was called the Begum of Motijheel due to her residence at the bend of this reservoir in Murshidabad. Motijheel or Pearl Lake is an oxbow lake in Murshidabad. The lake was created by her husband Nawazish Muhammad Khan. Nawazish Muhammad Khan died of grief when his adopted son Ekram-ud-Daulah succumbed to smallpox at a yo...

Turkan-i-Chahalgani, the Group of Forty

Amir-i-Chahalgani, known variously as Turkan-i-Chahalgani and Chalisa (The Forty), was a group of 40 faithful slaves which came into existence with the task of protecting Shamsuddin Iltutmish , the third Slave Sultan of Delhi Sultanate. The idea to form the group was taken by him when he came to realize that Turkish nobles cannot be trusted and could be a threat to his rule. With the passage of time the group went on to become very influential and powerful. Though Iltutmish succeeded in keeping the group under control, after his rule they became notorious and intrigued against nearly all his successors. The Forty acquired domination on the affairs of the state so much so that no ruler could defy them. Without their support it was utterly out of questions for the rulers to win the battle for succession. The members of this Turkish nobility used to appropriate all the offices of the state to themselves. Some of the rulers of the Slave dynasty after Iltutmish were murdered by these s...

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